Afrobeats superstar David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, has thrown his weight behind the 2027 House of Representatives ambition of human rights lawyer and political campaigner, Pelumi Olajengbesi.

Davido expressed his support for Olajengbesi in an Instagram Story on Tuesday, describing the politician as “My other project” and endorsing him as a “100% winning ticket.”

Olajengbesi is seeking to represent the Oriade/Obokun Federal Constituency of Osun State in the House of Representatives in the 2027 general elections on the platform of the Accord Party.

The endorsement comes weeks after the August 15, 2026, Osun State governorship election, in which Governor Ademola Adeleke secured victory for a second term.

Olajengbesi played a prominent role in Adeleke’s re-election campaign, serving as the convener of the Imole Grassroots Mobilisation Network and campaign spokesman for the governor’s campaign.

Following Adeleke’s victory at the polls, Davido also took to X to appreciate Olajengbesi for his contribution to the campaign.

The latest endorsement by the music star is therefore being seen as a further indication of his support for Olajengbesi’s political ambition ahead of the 2027 elections.

Olajengbesi, a lawyer and human rights advocate, will be seeking to unseat the incumbent member of the House of Representatives for the constituency, Wole Oke of the All Progressives Congress.

Oke has represented the Oriade/Obokun Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives for 24 years, making the 2027 contest potentially significant for the constituency.

With Olajengbesi now receiving public backing from Davido, the race for the federal constituency is expected to attract increased political attention as parties and candidates begin preparations for the 2027 general elections.

Davido, who has remained publicly engaged with political developments in Osun State, has previously shown support for Governor Adeleke, who is his uncle.

The endorsement of Olajengbesi adds another dimension to the emerging political contest in the state, particularly as aspirants position themselves ahead of the 2027 legislative elections.

The House of Representatives election will form part of the wider 2027 general elections, with candidates across the country expected to campaign on issues including representation, development, employment, infrastructure and the welfare of their constituents.

The 2027 presidential campaign has taken a fresh turn after former Anambra State Governor and Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) presidential candidate Peter Obi challenged the Anambra State Government to produce evidence that he left behind unpaid financial obligations when he handed over power.

Obi said he would end his 2027 presidential campaign if the state government could establish that he left even one unpaid salary, pension, gratuity, contractor, supplier or other obligation owed by the Anambra State Government at the end of his tenure.

The challenge followed fresh comments by Anambra State Commissioner for Finance, Izuchukwu Okafor, who said the administration of Governor Chukwuma Soludo was still servicing loans inherited from previous governments, including the administrations of Obi and former governor Willie Obiano.

In a video circulating online, Obi disputed the suggestion that he left Anambra with unpaid obligations.

He said he left office nearly 13 years ago without owing salaries, pensions, gratuities, contractors or suppliers.

“If you find even one person I owed, I will end my 2027 campaign today,” Obi said, according to the video and reports on his response.

The former governor’s challenge raises a distinction that is central to the dispute: whether Anambra is still servicing loans associated with previous administrations is not necessarily the same question as whether Obi personally left the state with unpaid bills or whether his administration borrowed money.

That distinction will likely become increasingly important as both sides present financial records ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

What the Anambra Finance Commissioner said

Okafor made the original claim during a Ndi Anambra podcast published by the Anambra State Government’s New Media team.

He maintained that the Soludo administration had not borrowed from any commercial bank since assuming office but continued to make deductions from the state’s Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) revenue to service loans contracted by previous administrations.

According to Okafor, some of those loans dated to the administrations of Obi and Obiano.

“Every month during our FAC meetings … you will notice there were substantial, significant deductions from our own FAC because of loans previously borrowed by previous administrations,” he said.

He further claimed that Soludo’s administration had reduced the state’s debt burden by more than 83 per cent and had cleared several inherited domestic obligations, including unpaid contracts, gratuity arrears and pension arrears.

The commissioner also said Anambra’s domestic debt was now at a near-zero balance, while some external obligations continued to be repaid through deductions from the state’s federal allocations.

The latest dispute is not the first time Obi has defended his financial record as governor.

During his 2022 presidential campaign, Obi repeatedly maintained that he did not borrow from financial institutions while serving as Anambra governor.

He also said he left substantial funds for the state in bank accounts when he handed over power.

Premium Times reported that Obi had previously said he left $50 million each in Access Bank, the defunct Diamond Bank and Fidelity Bank, a combined $150 million, when he left office.

Those earlier claims, together with the latest statements from the Anambra government, have revived questions over the precise composition, origin and timing of the state’s outstanding obligations.

The latest exchange does not, on its own, settle the question of who contracted which loans or what liabilities existed at different points in Anambra’s political history.

The Anambra government says some loans being serviced were obtained during the Obi and Obiano administrations.

Obi, meanwhile, is challenging the government to demonstrate that he left behind unpaid obligations when he left office.

Those are related but distinct claims.

To conclusively resolve the dispute, the relevant evidence would include loan agreements, debt-service schedules, FAAC deduction records, audited financial statements, the state’s debt register and handover-era financial records showing when each obligation was contracted and which administration was responsible for it.

Anambra’s official financial records could therefore become central to the political argument. The state has published Accountant-General reports covering its finances, including reports bearing Okafor’s name as Commissioner for Finance.

Why the dispute matters in 2027

The confrontation comes at a politically sensitive moment.

Obi is preparing to contest the 2027 presidential election under the NDC, while Soludo remains a prominent political figure in Anambra and the South-East.

Obi’s record as governor has long been an important part of his political narrative, particularly his claims about fiscal discipline, savings and infrastructure investment.

For his political opponents, however, questions about Anambra’s historical finances provide an opportunity to challenge that narrative.

The latest exchange could therefore develop beyond a disagreement between Obi and the Soludo administration into a broader debate over how governments should account for inherited debt, savings, contracts and other financial obligations when administrations change hands.

For voters, the most useful outcome would be the publication of the underlying records rather than competing political claims.

If the relevant financial documents establish that loans were contracted during specific administrations, that should be stated clearly. If they show that particular obligations arose from other arrangements, that should equally be made public.

The political stakes are high, but the question itself is ultimately documentary: what did Anambra owe, who incurred each obligation, and what did Peter Obi’s administration actually leave behind when it handed over power?

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2027: ‘Prove I Left Anambra With Debts and I’ll Stop My Campaign,’ Obi Challenges Soludo

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“Prove I Left Anambra With Debts and I’ll Stop My 2027 Campaign” — Obi Challenges Soludo

Social caption:

Peter Obi has challenged the Anambra State Government to produce evidence that he left unpaid financial obligations when he handed over power as governor.

The challenge follows claims by Finance Commissioner Izuchukwu Okafor that the state is still servicing loans inherited from previous administrations, including those of Obi and Willie Obiano.

Obi says the government should produce evidence of anyone he owed when he left office — and has attached a dramatic political consequence to the challenge.

**The question now is simple: what do Anambra’s financial records show?**

The All Progressives Congress (APC) Governors’ Forum has rejected political alliances and parallel structures that could weaken the ruling party or undermine President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s re-election bid in the 2027 general elections.

The governors said they would not support candidates outside the APC or participate in political arrangements capable of creating divided loyalty within the party.

The position was reached at a closed-door meeting of APC governors in Abuja on Monday night and announced by the Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum and Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodimma.

The declaration comes amid growing political tension surrounding the Rainbow Coalition associated with Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, who remains a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) while serving in the APC-led Federal Government.

Wike has maintained that his political coalition is primarily designed to support Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.

However, the emergence of candidates and political interests operating across different party platforms has generated concern among APC governors that the arrangement could weaken the party’s candidates in governorship, National Assembly and state assembly contests.

Reading the communiqué after the meeting, Uzodimma said APC governors would remain committed to candidates officially sponsored by the party.

“The APC Governors Forum unanimously resolved that its members will not participate in, support or endorse any alliance or political arrangement capable of undermining the re-election of Mr President, weakening the APC or adversely affecting any candidate of the party at all levels,” he said.

The Imo governor added that the governors had no intention of supporting candidates who were not running on the APC platform.

He said the governors’ campaign commitment would be exclusively directed towards APC candidates, with the party’s campaign structure expected to align with Tinubu’s re-election strategy and the broader objectives of the APC.

The declaration effectively establishes a position that APC governors will not treat support for Tinubu at the presidential level as a licence to support rival candidates in other elections.

The development places Wike’s political project at the centre of an increasingly complicated calculation within the ruling party.

Wike has promoted a broad political coalition bringing together politicians across party lines while maintaining support for Tinubu’s presidential ambition.

That strategy creates a potential distinction between support for Tinubu and support for APC candidates.

For the APC governors, the concern is that a political structure capable of mobilising voters for Tinubu while simultaneously supporting candidates from other parties could weaken the ruling party’s candidates in the same election cycle.

Reports have identified growing political tensions associated with the coalition in states including Rivers, Kwara, Gombe and Cross River.

The governors’ objection is therefore not simply about whether Wike supports Tinubu. It is also about who controls the political machinery through which votes are mobilised and which candidates ultimately benefit from that machinery.

The split-ticket voting concern

At the heart of the disagreement is the possibility of split-ticket voting.

Under such an arrangement, a voter could support Tinubu for president while voting for a candidate from another party in a governorship or legislative contest.

For Wike and his allies, such an arrangement can be presented as a way of building a broad coalition around the presidency without requiring every participant to join the APC.

For APC governors, however, it creates a direct threat to the party’s candidates.

The governors’ latest resolution suggests that they want the 2027 campaign architecture to operate as a unified structure, rather than one in which different political blocs mobilise voters for different candidates.

Wike and APC governors already at odds

The latest development also follows increasingly public disagreements between Wike and some APC governors.

Wike recently alleged that Uzodimma and Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq were behind political opposition to his activities.

According to reports, Wike linked the resistance to the expansion of his Rainbow Coalition and its growing influence among politicians seeking electoral opportunities outside the APC.

The governors’ latest resolution did not name Wike or the Rainbow Coalition directly. Nevertheless, the timing and content of the declaration have been widely interpreted as a response to the political arrangement associated with the FCT minister.

A test of Tinubu’s 2027 coalition strategy

The disagreement presents an important political challenge for the Tinubu camp.

The President’s re-election strategy could benefit from support beyond the formal APC structure, particularly from influential politicians who remain members of opposition parties but are willing to support his presidential bid.

At the same time, APC governors have their own electoral interests. Their political survival depends not only on the President’s performance at the presidential level but also on the success of APC candidates seeking governorship, Senate, House of Representatives and state assembly seats.

That creates a potentially delicate balance between Tinubu’s national coalition-building strategy and the APC’s institutional interest in protecting its candidates at every level.

For Wike, the challenge is equally significant. His continued influence within the Tinubu administration gives him access to national political space, but his decision to remain in the PDP while promoting a cross-party coalition places him outside the formal structure of the ruling party.

The governors’ resolution shows that they are increasingly unwilling to allow that distinction to translate into competing political structures within states controlled by the APC.

The immediate question is whether the governors’ position will remain a political warning or develop into a broader confrontation over the structure of the 2027 campaign.

Wike has consistently argued that his political activities are intended to strengthen Tinubu’s chances. The APC governors, however, are insisting that support for the President must not come at the expense of the party’s candidates.

That difference could become increasingly important as the 2027 election approaches and parties begin finalising candidates, alliances and campaign structures.

For now, the APC governors have made their position clear: Tinubu’s re-election and the electoral fortunes of APC candidates must not be separated in a way that creates competing political loyalties within the ruling party.

The emerging contest, therefore, may be less about whether Wike supports Tinubu and more about who controls the political machinery that will determine how that support translates into votes in 2027.